Operation Orion, guerrilla seizures of towns and more facts that the JEP will investigate

Operation Orion in Medellin, the guerrilla takeovers of towns and crimes against nature will be part of the investigations that the Truth Recognition Chamber will soon open. In each macro case there will be a component of sexual violence.

Photo: JEP

The Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) has already told the country that during the conflict at least 6,402 false positives were committed, that the ex-FARC guerrilla recruited at least 18,677 boys and girls and that the extermination of the Union political party Patriotica left 5,733 victims. These are figures that demonstrate the massiveness of the horror in war and that they are the initial step in that justice to begin to give answers to the victims. El Espectador learned of three documents that record calculations of the same type on another repertoire of crimes, among which are: guerrilla takeovers of towns, massacres at the hands of paramilitaries, and assassinations of Afro and indigenous leaders.

This newspaper had access to the drafts of the orders with which the JEP Truth Recognition Chamber will open the three macro-cases that it has been announcing since August 2021. Macro-case 08, for example, will focus on crimes committed by the Public Force or other state agents in collusion with paramilitary groups. Of these, it is estimated that there were 295,992 victims. On 09, in the violence suffered by ethnic peoples, including indigenous people, Afro-descendants and Roma, who have 1,396,342 victims. And in macro-case 10, all behaviors attributed to the former FARC guerrilla that are not already included in other cases will be investigated.

State and paramilitaries

The military incursion into Comuna 13 of Medellín, in October 2002, called Operation Orión and which caused the displacement of hundreds of families, is one of the examples of criminal patterns that the JEP cited in the order of the new case 08. According to the Reconnaissance Room, the reports of victims show that the Public Force unleashed an offensive against this area of ​​the capital of Antioquia “under counter-insurgent justifications”, since it was a place through which guerrillas traveled. Army, Police and other authorities would not have distinguished between combatants and the civilian population. Apparently, there were raids without a court order, torture, among other crimes.

In addition, the Recognition Chamber will enter to investigate crimes to dispossess land or other economic reasons. The document tells how some paramilitary incursions were followed by a complex network of public officials and third parties who legalized the spoils. And he mentions as an example the emerald maker Víctor Carranza, a noted ally of the paramilitaries who later occupied extensive lands. The JEP would also investigate whether in some cases, homicides and disappearances were a way to empty territories of interest for megaprojects, as apparently happened in Hidroituango, according to social organizations.

Read here: Operation Orion, a shadow of hate

A third pattern that this macro-case will document has to do with the violence exercised in alliance with paramilitary groups to control the State, either by keeping public contracts or pressuring elections. The entire macro-case sums up, for now, 14,911 identified perpetrators and 298,992 acts, among which there were at least 9,504 homicides, 961 displacements and 778 forced disappearances. The Chamber will focus here on five key regions, in which these patterns occurred massively: the Great Magdalena, the Montes de María, the areas of the Ariari, Guayabero and Guaviare rivers, Antioquia and the Middle Magdalena.

The Democratic Security policy of the government of Álvaro Uribe, the Security Statute introduced by Julio César Turbay or the Convivir that were created at the initiative of César Gaviria are some of the security strategies that will have to go to the board in this macro-case. At the same time that it seeks to clarify specific facts of the war, the investigation will investigate how these guidelines of the State influenced the armed conflict. In fact, it does so at the request of the Prosecutor’s Office, which in its investigations has found that the National Security Doctrine led to the generalization of the idea in the Public Force that an “internal enemy” was being fought.

Crimes attributed to the FARC

The crime most blamed on the extinct FARC guerrilla is forced displacement: it represents 88% of the crimes committed by this group. In many cases, it occurred after one of the 309 occupations of towns that the JEP has documented so far, a widespread practice in the ex-guerrilla as a form of control of the territory. In macrocase 10, according to the draft of the order that will open it, to which he had access The viewerthese behaviors will be investigated on a par with 709 attacks by Police units, 126 attacks against energy infrastructure, 291 uses of antipersonnel mines and 81 attacks on the hydrocarbon sector.

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The hypothesis is that these crimes were committed as a way of territorial control, in the midst of combat or in urban contexts. The first category takes up the findings of the JEP in the kidnapping case, where it was concluded that the FARC chose their victims for disobeying their orders, because they identified them as collaborators of the enemy or because they were officials not related to the guerrillas. In the second, breaches of IHL during hostilities will be investigated. And in the third, the starting point was the confession of the former secretary in six assassinations, among which is that of the conservative Álvaro Gómez, which would have been committed by urban structures.

ethnic peoples

Almost a million and a half victims left the conflict to indigenous people, Afro-descendants and Roma in the country. Between homicides and massacres, the Public Force was exercising surveillance over the ethnic peoples, whom, says the document, they stigmatized as guerrilla collaborators. And the FARC, apparently, used these abuses to destroy the forms of organization of the communities and become the authority. These are the hypotheses of macro-case 09, which will focus on what happened in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, in Buenaventura and the Middle Pacific, as well as in the Amazon and Orinoquia. In addition, it will investigate the crimes committed against nature, which have not been well documented by the justice system.

The drafts you met The viewer they collect the comments made by victims from all over the country in 2021. In fact, the JEP incorporated some elements that were suggested there, such as investigating sexual violence in each macro-case, but it moved away from harsher demands, such as opening a crime case sex or displacement. The three documents, not yet approved by the Recognition Chamber, agree on two things: First, they explain that the JEP has already learned from the first seven macro-cases and will not investigate the conflict again solely for conduct, and second, they put on the table the urgency they have to investigate, because in 2028 the Chamber will cease to exist.

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Operation Orion, guerrilla seizures of towns and more facts that the JEP will investigate